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As Canadians, we like to think we’re strong and free. But, when it comes to the wealth gap, we’re looking more like America Lite—better manners, but almost all the inequality. The way our economy is set up means that most of the benefits from economic growth go to financial interests and speculators, rather than to workers or other businesses. We can shift economic power to more people and aspiring entrepreneurs by making them owners. When more people have a stake, Canada’s economy works better for everyone—not just investors.

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Esso gas station with two cars

Build, baby, build. Or sell, baby, sell? Canada should reject Sunoco's takeover of Parkland | Policy Options

By Sarah Doyle and Jon Shell. This post first appeared in Policy Options.

U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariffs, threats to annex Canada and musings about the use of economic force against us are shaking the foundations of our economy.

This is not just another storm to be weathered. It demands a rethink of how Canada engages with the U.S. and the world, including how we approach foreign direct investment (FDI).

In March, in response to U.S. threats, François-Philippe Champagne, then the federal minister of Innovation, Science and Industry, tightened Investment Canada Act guidelines to protect against “opportunistic or predatory investment behaviour” by non-Canadians.

Those guidelines are facing an early test now because shareholders of Parkland Corporation, Canada’s largest gas station operator (whose brands include Ultramar, Pioneer, Chevron and On the Run), recently voted in favour of a takeover by U.S.-based Sunoco LP. Under the act, Ottawa can approve or reject the deal.

The Parkland deal may be attractive to the government because it offers US$9 billion to add to Canada’s total FDI, which politicians often tout as an indicator of national economic health. However, due to its volatility and concentration in a few sectors, total foreign direct investment is not a good reflection of the underlying strength of the economy.

In the current context, geopolitical objectives should be paramount. Transactions that transfer control of important Canadian companies to countries with which we are in economic conflict, such as the proposed Parkland acquisition, should be rejected by Ottawa.

This deal would bring none of the benefits typically associated with FDI. It is unlikely to lead to increased capital investment, more or better jobs, or technology transfer into Canada. In fact, its impact may be just the opposite.

Esso gas station with two cars

Not all FDI is created equal

We typically imagine foreign capital enabling a new manufacturing plant to be built from the ground up, but that kind of FDI – often called “greenfield” – makes up less than one quarter of total inflows.

Greenfield investments can raise concerns about Canada’s economic sovereignty (for example in critical minerals) and in some cases displace domestic firms or capital, but they can also provide the promised benefits, as demonstrated by projects such as Travers Solar in Alberta or Roquette’s investment to build the world’s largest pea protein plant in Manitoba.

This is not the case for mergers and acquisitions, which have accounted for 34 per cent of all foreign direct investment inflow over the last 10 years and almost half of it in 2024 (with greenfield and “reinvested capital,” where foreign-controlled companies keep money in Canada, making up the rest).

Parkland fits into the category of mergers and acquisitions, and demonstrates its downside in terms of capital investment, employment, productivity, innovation and geopolitical risks.

Capital investment

In a typical merger and acquisition FDI deal, capital is used to pay existing shareholders unlike greenfield investments where capital is used to build new assets that contribute to Canada’s economic growth. Moreover, acquisitions are often funded using debt that ends up on the balance sheet of the acquired company, which can stifle its future investment.

In the case of Parkland, new debt of US$2.65 billion will provide the capital required to pay shareholders. While Sunoco has committed to continuing current Parkland investment plans, including at its Burnaby, B.C., refinery, these investments were already expected. No additional capital is expected to build anything in Canada.

Employment

Acquisitions are often predicated on “synergies” where jobs (generally high-paid head office, R&D and manufacturing jobs) are made redundant, usually in the acquired company.

Past acquisitions of Canadian companies have often led to layoffs, such as AMD’s acquisition of ATIthe China National Offshore Oil Corporation’s purchase of Nexen and U.S. Steel’s acquisition of Stelco, which resulted in a government lawsuit. While each instance has its own explanations, these outcomes are not surprising. They are often an intended outcome.

In the proposed acquisition of Parkland, Sunoco is committing to maintain “significant” employment in Canada, but also expects to achieve $250 million in run-rate synergies within three years. Those synergies almost certainly mean layoffs, which are more likely to happen in Calgary than Dallas, where Sunoco is based.

Productivity and innovation

Foreign direct investment is frequently lauded as a driver of productivity and a source of technology transfer from successful multinational firms. But a German study looking at 25 years of that country’s mergers and acquisitions FDI found that almost all productivity gains resulted from reduced employment.

Less-developed economies may benefit from technology transfer. But in economies where R&D and knowledge workers are more prevalent, FDI may be more likely to acquire, rather than offer, new technologies and talent.

As an advanced economy with deep research capacity, Canada’s experience bears this out.

AMD’s acquisition of ATI was to acquire ATI’s technology, not improve it. China National’s acquisition of Nexen was explicitly to transfer technical know-how to China. Alphabet recently acquired North and AdHawk to gain technology it didn’t have. These acquisitions all represent the sale of Canadian technology and knowledge to other countries.

Parkland’s investor presentation is at least honest about this. It doesn’t claim to offer the potential of new technology or innovation to Canada.

Geopolitical ramifications

Finally, the reasons to look skeptically at mergers and acquisitions FDI are stronger in the current context.

The U.S. is the primary buyer of Canadian assets. The Trump administration is currently leaning on U.S.-owned companies to support its geopolitical objectives in relation to China. We would be naive to believe it won’t use the same tools against Canada.

Parkland owns 1,800 Canadian gas stations, with many in rural and underserved areas, as well as the refinery in Burnaby. A sale to Sunoco, whose chair is a longtime Trump ally, risks turning these Canadian assets into bargaining chips, with potential implications for jobs, local fuel prices, supply stability, competition and future investment decisions.

In the most extreme scenario, the U.S. could use Sunoco’s ownership of these assets to shut down a major refinery or stop delivery to more than 15 per cent of Canada’s gas stations.

Our starting assumption should be that large acquisition-based FDI deals will not benefit Canada in terms of capital formation, employment, innovation or productivity. These deals should therefore be rejected unless they clearly demonstrate that they will provide a net benefit to Canada, without putting our economic sovereignty at risk.

What happens if Ottawa says no to Parkland?

Rejecting an acquisition simply maintains the status quo. As a publicly traded company with sufficient cash flow, Parkland would presumably continue to operate, pay dividends and pursue investments, possibly with an executive shakeup but likely with no harm to employees or Canada’s economy.

This is very different from greenfield, where the downside of the investment not happening may be that a real asset doesn’t get built.

Some will argue that stopping the Parkland deal would chill global interest in investing in Canada. This may be true for large acquisitions, but is unlikely for greenfield projects, where the benefits of foreign investment for Canadians are far more likely to be realized. As well, the government is usually involved in greenfield projects from the very early stages, providing both incentives and support.

If the Parkland deal is rejected, the U.S. may retaliate by preventing some Canadian investments in America – currently the main destination for our outbound FDI. This could limit investment opportunities for Canadian companies and major investors, such as pension funds.

But economic sovereignty isn’t free and this is a price we should be willing to pay. Shifting investment to other countries or investing at home is a rational strategy in the current context.

Who benefits from the Parkland deal?

Acquisitions are not without their winners. Aside from existing shareholders, these deals can be lucrative for senior executives at both firms and for the investment bankers, lawyers, accountants and consultants who support the transaction and integration. In short, a relatively small number of people will benefit from every deal, whatever the outcome for the companies, workers and countries involved.

This is mostly true for the Parkland acquisition, but this deal isn’t even that good for most shareholders, according to analysts. It’s largely driven by one shareholder based in the Bahamas whose alleged objective is to significantly increase his after-tax dividend income.

If there ever was a deal with almost no Canadian winners, this is it.

The March federal decision to increase scrutiny of FDI deals is a positive development that could allow a more strategic approach: one that is focused on building rather than selling. This approach would be easier if we jettisoned total FDI as a measure of economic health.

Policies aimed at attracting global investment should be directed toward greenfield projects that align with wider policy goals while the bar for approving large merger and acquisition deals should be higher.

Saying no to more cross-border acquisitions will require government leaders and policymakers to accept that these deals rarely offer the benefits we imagine. Whether they are willing to make that shift remains to be seen. But, they should start by saying no to Sunoco.


Bustling market with street performers in Toronto Canada

The federal government is leaving investment dollars on the table—but it can fix that in the budget

At Social Capital Partners, we have watched the community finance and impact investment markets grow over the past 25 years. 

The federal government has played a key role in this evolution at critical moments. The Task Force on Social Finance in 2010 represented an important agenda-setting breakthrough and the creation of the Social Finance Fund in 2019 was a crucial market-shaping policy initiative that drew more capital to the sector. 

Bustling market with street performers in Toronto Canada

Throughout this period, investors, philanthropists and creative community leaders built new instruments and new markets to deliver social, environmental and local returns, often in the face of bemusement from traditional finance. 

But gradually, and as the enormity of the crises we face has become more apparent, these ideas are becoming mainstream.

More and more asset owners are committed to investing in the social, economic and environmental transformation required at this moment in our history, and more and more instruments, such as community bonds and local impact investment funds, have come online. This was clear at the recent Victoria Forum, where community and philanthropic leaders joined together and outlined creative and viable ideas that were unthinkable two decades ago.

Likewise, the many 2025 federal pre-budget submissions from the social finance community reinforce the vision and possibility of this moment. SVX, Definity Foundation, Raven Indigenous Outcomes Funds, Rally Assets, Relèven, Catalyst Community Finance, Impact Guarantee, the Table for Impact Investment Practitioners, Philanthropic Foundations of Canada, Employee Ownership Canada and our own at Social Capital Partners, amongst many others, have highlighted some of these proposals.

These investments are no longer curiosities or pilots to explore, and the finance and community leaders driving these changes don’t want pats on the head. The ideas are scalable and transformative, and the leaders are ready to step up to support Canadians and the economy at this moment. They must be an essential part of the federal government’s strategy to confront the rupture in the global economic and security system through which we are living. 

Philanthropic leaders are ready to step up in a transformational way. Private capital is increasingly interested—but needs some more enabling support from government. 

I understand that the government’s first priority is mobilization of private pools of capital for big national infrastructure and resource projects. But the government needs to apply the same logic and focus that they’re deploying for big energy projects to mobilizing capital to invest in local Canadian businesses, social purpose organizations and community infrastructure. 

The vast majority of the Canadian economy does not strive to export goods or services. Most businesses serve their local communities and are not directly exposed to trade or tariffs. Of course, the government must help those sectors and workers who are being hit by Trump, but we can also strengthen those sectors that are vital to our economic resilience in the face of attacks on our export sectors. Holders of capital want to invest in local businesses, affordable housing and community infrastructure. Catalyzing these kinds of investments will drive sustainable and inclusive economic growth and help real people. These investments act as economic stabilizers in communities impacted by tariffs. They create hope and opportunity for young people. 

At a time when governments are being careful with every dollar of public expenditure, the social finance community is rising to the challenge and putting forth proposals that highlight how the magic of finance can be used to deliver social and economic benefit for very little risk or investment on the part of government. The government knows this is true for large private investments in natural resource and infrastructure projects. I hope they have internalized that the logic applies—and the people and capital exist—for community and local investment as well. 

And that is the main takeaway I have from reading the Budget submissions and hundreds of conversations over the past year: despite the growing maturity, size and track record of success within the social finance community, we still need better social and community financing infrastructure and more enabling policy and legislative signals. This would allow good social finance investments to properly scale and deliver the kind of outsized impact that is needed at this time. 

What would this look like in practice? I believe the government should be signaling its intent to consult on:  

  • the accreditation and capitalization of community finance institutions,  
  • the formalization of loan guarantee facilities and co-financing approaches to de-risk projects, and  
  • legislative and tax changes that will incent and require more philanthropic and private capital—including pension fund capital—to invest at home and in local communities. 

Whether focused on housing, climate, food systems, poverty reduction, succession planning or local economic development, organizations are leading transformative work that is directing capital in ways that serve communities and long-term economic resilience rather than short-term profit. Social finance, impact investors and transformational philanthropy organizations are looking to the federal government to create the conditions for increased investment. 

The federal government has already demonstrated creativity in using financing in more ambitious ways. The Business Acquisition Loan for Indigenous Communities is one recent example. And earlier this month, the Prime Minister announced that “low-cost capital” will be available to businesses that have relied most heavily on trade with the U.S. 

Many more opportunities exist, but they are constrained by fragmented financing and outdated regulatory frameworks. It is time for the federal government to step up and make it easier to invest in local businesses and Canadian community economies. 

I hope the federal government sees what is happening on the ground in Canada, in communities and with asset holders—and acts accordingly. Building the right policy and financing architecture to support community investment will catalyze more investment, make a material contribution to economic growth, deliver real public value and improve our economic resilience and sovereignty.  

There really is no reason not to get moving on this agenda. 


Acquisitions can’t build Canada: Understanding Foreign Direct Investment in an age of geopolitical fracturing

In last year’s budget remarks, former Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland celebrated the “significant accomplishment” that Canada’s per capita foreign direct investment (FDI) was the highest in the G7, “driving growth, increasing productivity and boosting innovation.” She is far from the only politician to frame total FDI as a positive indicator of economic health, but this masks a more complicated picture.

Total FDI does not actually tell us much about the state of the economy. One large deal can significantly affect total FDI inflows, which can vary dramatically from year to year (swings of 40% are normal). Each deal will depend on idiosyncratic, sector- or company-specific considerations that are often disconnected from underlying national economic trends. Moreover, not all FDI is created equal.

FDI is a jumble of different types of investments with vastly different impacts on the Canadian economy–some clearly positive, some negative and some a mix of both. The category that raises the most questions, and that is the focus of this piece, is that of cross-border mergers and acquisitions, or M&A.

Understanding these nuances is important. Because FDI is used as a shorthand measure of economic health, it is simply assumed that more FDI is good for economic growth, productivity and business investment. And that makes it difficult for politicians to reject FDI transactions that undermine the wellbeing of Canada’s economy and workers. The ability to distinguish between beneficial and harmful FDI is even more important now, in the context of a global trade war and threats to Canada’s economic sovereignty.

In this explainer, we aim to unpack FDI: what it is, when it is and isn’t beneficial and why understanding these nuances matters.

What is Foreign Direct Investment?

FDI occurs when an investor from one country owns at least 10% of an entity in another country. Statistics Canada breaks FDI down into three categories: M&A, reinvested earnings and “other flows.”

When we think of FDI, we typically imagine foreign capital enabling a new manufacturing plant to be built from the ground up. This is actually the rarest of the three main categories of FDI, often called “greenfield” investment. It’s included in the “other flows” category in Statistics Canada’s accounting, which on average has made up 26% of Canada’s inward FDI over the last 10 years (and includes a grab-bag of other transactions, like intracompany loans).

The biggest category of FDI inflow (40% between 2015-2024) is from foreign-owned companies keeping profits i Canada that could otherwise be sent to the owners as dividends. Whenever this money is kept in Canada, it’s called “reinvested earnings.” This might mean new capital investment, which could look a lot like greenfield FDI. But it also includes other things, like holding cash on the balance sheet to be sent out later as dividends. This category is included in FDI as an accounting convention but often isn’t very different from Canadian-owned companies retaining earnings for investment or other purposes. Because this category generally doesn’t give rise to contentious policy questions, we don’t dig deeply into it in this piece.

The final category is mergers and acquisitions, or M&A, where a foreign investor acquires at least 10% of a Canadian company. Over the last 10 years, this has accounted for 34% of all FDI (see Graph 1), and in 2024 accounted for almost half (see Graph 2).

Graph 1:Donut graph showing different types of FDI flows in 2024Graph 2:

The benefits of FDI

A typical definition of FDI will include a list of its many benefits to a country’s economy. In addition to supplementing domestic business investment (which is perennially lagging in Canada), FDI is said to create well-paid jobs, catalyze innovation spillovers and increase productivity from leading global companies bringing cutting-edge technology to Canada, connect local businesses to global supply chains and emerging markets and generate net-new economic activity and assets that contribute to GDP growth.

When describing these benefits, politicians, commentators and government agencies tend to focus on total FDI. Greenfield FDI does indeed hold the promise of delivering on these benefits, but they are far less likely in the case of cross-border acquisitions (M&A), which in many cases will have the opposite impact. Understanding these differences is critical to making informed policy decisions.

To unpack these differences, we’ll look at how greenfield and M&A FDI might deliver on the presumed benefits: investment capital, jobs, growth, innovation, productivity and access to new markets.

Greenfield FDI

Greenfield FDI is “where the magic of economic development really happens” according to the Financial Times fDi Intelligence team. The term “greenfield” is meant to describe the building of something new, where nothing previously existed – i.e. on a field that is currently green and empty. Canada’s experience with greenfield FDI includes many examples where investment capital has led directly to building new and useful assets.

Examples include the Travers Solar Project in Alberta, which produces about 465 megawatts of clean power and at peak construction employed around  800 people; Roquette’s investment in the world’s largest pea protein plant in Manitoba; Sanofi’s investment in a new vaccine manufacturing facility in Ontario and LNG Canada, a liquified natural gas export facility in British Columbia that was made possible through the largest private sector investment in Canadian history by a consortium of five multinational firms from different countries.

It’s clear how building a new asset can bring additional capital, create jobs and contribute to growth. The example of LNG Canada, which is enabling export to Asian markets, also demonstrates the potential of greenfield FDI to increase market access, while Roquette’s state-of-the-art pea protein plant is expected to reshore pea processing, shifting some processing from India and China to Canada. By using cutting-edge technologies, investments like these can also lead to innovation-driven productivity enhancements while enabling Canadian workers to develop transferable skills related to advanced technologies.

Greenfield FDI is not without its complexities. It is worth noting that, in a competitive global environment, governments often seek to attract greenfield FDI through some combination of subsidies and tax breaks. Public investment can be used to attract investment to projects that align with broader policy priorities beyond jobs and growth, like Canada’s net-zero goals. Increases in FDI inflows to Canada in recent years have been largely attributed to government subsidies focused on clean energy and electric vehicle value chains–although the latter, in particular, have attracted criticism, as have the significant subsidies that made LNG Canada possible. In other cases, incentives used to woo multinational tech companies to set up offices in Canada have been criticized for attracting talent away from Canadian-owned firms and facilitating the transfer of IP out of Canada. In the most problematic instances, tax breaks, in particular, can attract a version of greenfield FDI that does not yield the looked-for benefits (as has been true in Ireland). These deals can be tricky to get right. If they are well designed, however, their alignment with policy priorities can enhance their public value.

It is also possible that greenfield FDI could in some cases displace domestic firms or capital that could have achieved similar or even bigger impact with appropriate public support. This counterfactual is particularly important to consider in areas that are vital to Canada’s economic sovereignty. For example, Canada’s critical minerals strategy makes clear the intent to prioritize domestic ownership across the value chain, from exploration and extraction to downstream product manufacturing and recycling, in partnership with Indigenous communities, in order to maximize the economic, social and environmental benefits to Canada – a goal that would be undermined if new projects were built and owned by foreign capital.

However, while each instance will have different trade-offs requiring careful consideration, in general, where greenfield FDI creates a new asset that would otherwise not have been built with domestic capital, claims of new jobs, growth, increased productivity and innovation and expanded market access are likely justified.

M&A FDI

Foreign acquisitions of Canadian firms present a very different picture, as the capital involved pays for very different things, and that drives different outcomes for jobs, for growth, productivity and innovation, and for market access.

Capital investment

In a typical M&A FDI deal, capital is used to pay existing shareholders. Unlike in greenfield investments, the capital is not used to build new assets in Canada. We’ve found this to be the most common misconception when discussing this topic, and it’s a critical one.

A common rejoinder to proposals to restrict FDI is to ask where the capital will come from, if not from foreign sources. While this may be valid in the case of greenfield FDI, this argument doesn’t make sense when applied to M&A. If an acquisition doesn’t happen, in most cases no replacement capital is required as the target Canadian company will simply continue to operate under Canadian ownership.

Further, the availability of investment capital will often be reduced by M&A FDI for two reasons. First, acquisitions are often funded with debt that will sit on the balance sheet of the acquired company, which may crowd out investment capital. For example, in the case of Parkland’s recent decision to sell to U.S.-based Sunoco, new debt of $2.65B USD will provide the capital required to pay shareholders. Second, the acquirer will often have operations in multiple countries, driving competition between jurisdictions to fund new projects.

Jobs

Acquisitions, foreign or domestic, are often predicated on “synergies” where jobs (usually high-paid head office, R&D or manufacturing jobs) are made redundant in the combined company as capacity is optimized and departments and functions are merged. These savings are how the acquiring company justifies paying a price high enough to get a deal done and will often occur at the acquired company.

This dynamic has been evident in Canada. AMD’s acquisition of ATI, the China National Offshore Oil Corporation’s (CNOOC) purchase of Nexen and U.S. Steel’s acquisition of Stelco all led to layoffs, the last of which resulted in a government lawsuit. The most recent example is the closure of Crown Royal’s blending and bottling facility in Amherstburg, Ontario, with those jobs moving to the U.S., causing Premier Doug Ford to pour out a bottle at a press conference as he lashed out at British owner Diageo. While each instance has its own context and explanations, these outcomes are not surprising as they are a common and often intentional outcome of M&A transactions.

Growth, productivity and innovation

Two of the most commonly cited advantages of FDI have to do with the expertise of multinational firms: increased productivity and transfer of the latest technology to the host country. But a recent German study looking at 25 years of German M&A FDI found no evidence of increased output (i.e. no growth) and revealed that almost all productivity gains were a result of reduced employment. It concluded that while technology transfer may be important in acquisitions in a less developed economy, it was not evident in Germany’s advanced economy. In economies where R&D and knowledge workers are more prevalent, like Canada, FDI may be more likely to seek to acquire new technologies and talent than to bring them to the country.

In statements about FDI’s productivity-enhancing benefits, the research cited rarely focuses on acquisitions, instead pointing to studies that find foreign-owned firms to be more productive than domestic ones, and implying that all FDI shares equally in this benefit. (In this Fraser Institute article, for example, only one of the studies cited to support these claims focuses on acquisitions, and the findings of this study are likely explained by the job losses described in the more recent German study). It is reasonable to assume that a greenfield investment in a new factory will use the latest technology and perhaps add competition to the market. While an acquisition could, in some cases, result in the foreign buyer upgrading facilities with cutting-edge technologies, this is unlikely to be a common occurrence and should not be assumed to be a benefit.

Canada’s experience is almost certainly similar to Germany’s. There are many examples of outward technology transfer. AMD’s acquisition of ATI was to acquire ATI’s technology, not to improve it. CNOOC’s acquisition of Nexen in 2013 was explicitly to transfer Nexen technical know-how to China. Alphabet recently acquired North and AdHawk in order to gain technology they didn’t previously have.

These acquisitions all represent the sale of Canadian technology and knowledge to other countries. They are detracting from, rather than contributing to, Canada’s innovation ecosystem and potential for future innovation-driven productivity and growth.

Access to markets

There is likely some validity to the claim that cross-border acquisitions can provide greater access to export markets for the acquired Canadian company. This could occur in cases where the acquiring company is well established in foreign markets and the acquired company is not, but produces a readily exportable product that is complementary to the acquiring company’s existing product line. In an ideal scenario, this could lead to an expansion of operations in Canada to service foreign market demand. This ideal scenario most definitely does not apply in all cases, however.

The winners in M&A FDI

Acquisitions, both foreign and domestic, have a long and well documented history of disappointing outcomes. But they are not without their winners. Aside from selling shareholders who are presumably getting a good price, senior executives at both firms stand to gain bonuses if they stay and golden parachutes if they leave. Executive pay also increases when companies get bigger through acquisition. Transactions are also very lucrative for the investment bankers and lawyers who manage the transaction and the accountants and consultants who help with integration.

To summarize, M&A FDI deals will benefit a relatively small number of people, whatever the outcome for the companies, workers and countries involved, but in most cases will not bring new investment capital into Canada, will often reduce Canadian employment, are unlikely to drive innovation-based productivity or growth and are often used to acquire Canadian technology, resources and expertise. There will be times when an acquisition will provide a benefit to Canada–for example, if the acquirer commits to a specific, near-term capital investment that was not already in the company’s plans or can improve access to global markets–but these are not typical.

Unless the acquiring company can prove otherwise, the base case for M&A FDI should be that it will not provide the benefits normally linked to FDI in commentary and textbooks.

The special case of technology start-ups

While M&A FDI deals involving Canadian tech start-ups typically fall well below the ICA thresholds for net benefit review by the government, it is worth noting that in these deals, the implications of preventing foreign acquisitions are harder to discern. On the one hand, tech startup founders and politicians have been complaining for years about how little advantage Canada gains from the IP it develops, with most of the benefit going to foreign companies through licensing deals and acquisitions (i.e. M&A FDI). On the other hand, funding for tech start-ups is very different from that of traditional businesses as these companies rarely generate cash or pay dividends, and access to venture capital often depends on the promise of a lucrative “exit,” when the company either lists on a public market or, far more likely, is acquired by a larger (often U.S.) competitor. There is a legitimate concern that if foreign companies were prevented from buying start-ups, access to venture capital in Canada would be far more constrained. We don’t have a clear answer to the question of how to balance these concerns, but others have written about how to facilitate paths to scale that don’t require foreign acquisition, and Ottawa is actively pursuing policies with this aim.

Why this matters now

When the Investment Canada Act (ICA) was enacted in 1985 by the Mulroney government, its objective was to encourage foreign investment, limiting reviews to larger transactions that could be “injurious to national security,” in place of the previous Foreign Investment Review Act (FIRA), which allowed for review of all FDI transactions and required a demonstration of significant benefit to Canada.

The ICA succeeded in ushering in an era of significant inward and outward investment, especially between the U.S. and Canada. While the Act has been strengthened several times, it has almost never been used to block acquisitions. However, forty years after its introduction, Canada faces a starkly different world, and the focus is shifting from encouraging investment to protecting Canadian economic sovereignty.

To that end, in March 2025, former Minister of Innovation, Science and Industry, François-Philippe Champagne, tightened ICA guidelines in response to direct threats from the U.S., the primary buyer of Canadian assets. It expanded its scope to protect against “the potential of the investment to undermine Canada’s economic security” in the face of “opportunistic or predatory investment behaviour by non-Canadians.”

There is no sign that the risks that drove the Minister to act are abating. The American administration is currently leaning on U.S.-owned companies to support its geopolitical objectives in relation to China. It would be naive to ignore the possibility that American owners of Canadian companies might be pressured to “undermine Canada’s economic security.” U.S. President Donald Trump has already signaled that he could use “economic force” to redraw the Canada-U.S. border or pursue annexation or simply to get the trade deal he wants. Just recently, Ontario’s Premier Doug Ford lashed out at the CEO of U.S.-based Cleveland-Cliffs, owner of Hamilton’s Stelco, for acting against the interests of their Canadian division and putting Canadian jobs at risk by pushing for higher American steel tariffs.

Canadian assets under U.S. ownership–for example, critical minerals mining operations, manufacturing plants and energy and electricity infrastructure–could be turned into bargaining chips, with implications for jobs, consumer prices, supply stability, domestic competition and future investment decisions.

In the face of these threats, FDI policy could be strengthened further, perhaps applying the standard set in 2024 for the critical minerals sector, where foreign investment is allowed only “in the most exceptional of circumstances,” to all M&A FDI. The threshold for net benefit review could also be lowered. Proponents of the rare acquisition deals that could be beneficial would still be able to make their case.

If more foreign acquisitions of Canadian companies are rejected, there will be some who argue this is a mistake, trotting out reasons Canada needs FDI that simply don’t apply to acquisitions. With Canada facing investment, employment and productivity challenges, the arguments to ignore geopolitical risks will be compelling. Understanding why these deals may in fact hinder investment, jobs and productivity will be critical in winning the argument in the public square.

One argument that will surely be used in favour of accepting foreign acquisitions is that actions Canada takes to reject deals could cause the rejected country to respond in kind. It is indeed likely that the U.S. – currently the main destination for outward FDI – would retaliate by restricting the ability of Canadian companies and investors, such as pension funds, to make investments in America. Economic sovereignty isn’t free, and this is a price we should arguably be willing to pay. Simply put, a dollar of investment by the U.S. into Canada yields a lot more control than a dollar of investment by Canada into the U.S. For example, while Sunoco’s purchase of Parkland would represent 15% of Canadian gas stations, a similar purchase by a Canadian company in the U.S. would represent less than 2% of those in America. While there might be some small sacrifice in returns for Canadian investors, in the current geopolitical environment, shifting investment to other countries or ideally to investing at home is a rational strategy.

Getting comfortable saying “no”

Many reports have been written about the pros and cons of FDI inflows in Canada. Despite that, both the fact that it is actually a poor barometer of economic health and the clear difference between greenfield and M&A FDI remain broadly misunderstood. Our objective here is to create a basic understanding of what FDI is and of when it is likely to be beneficial or harmful, and to provide language to those seeking to protect against cross-border acquisitions that could undermine Canada’s interests.

We know that FDI deals provide conflicting incentives for politicians. Rejecting transactions that are not in Canada’s best interest also reduces the total value of FDI. As long as FDI is seen as a barometer of economic health, politicians will be under pressure to ensure this number goes up, and to ignore the very different implications of different forms of FDI. But current threats to Canada’s economic sovereignty should override this tendency and we should expect to see some deals rejected. Ideally, this will lead to a shift in how FDI is described and analyzed, introducing long-absent nuance and sophistication to the public discourse and making it easier for politicians to analyze each new transaction on its merits.

This would be a good thing. For forty years, Canada’s default approach was to be “open for business,” which often led to the sale of important Canadian companies and assets, costing jobs and innovation capacity. Becoming comfortable saying “no” in the face of opposition from influential vested interests, and getting better at explaining the downside of acquisition FDI, will help both in the face of immediate geopolitical risk and in Canada’s long-term effort to build a more resilient economy.


Heather Scoffield headshot

The Canadian Tax Observatory announces Heather Scoffield as founding CEO

September 11, 2025, Ottawa (ON) – The Board of Directors of the new Canadian Tax Observatory (the Observatory) today announced the appointment of its founding CEO, Heather Scoffield. Her plans for the research and policy centre are ambitious.

“Heather Scoffield has been helping Canadians make sense of the economy for almost three decades,” said Matthew Mendelsohn, Chair of the Board. “It is sometimes hard for non-specialists to understand the nuances and implications of tax policy. I can’t think of any Canadian better placed than Heather to help Canadians make sense of the evidence and understand the implications of tax policy discussions on their own lives and on the ability of the country to meet the moment we face.”

Leading the Canadian Tax Observatory is a logical progression in Scoffield’s career, which has been devoted to driving a vigorous, informed national conversation on economic policy. Previously, she was Ottawa bureau chief at The Canadian Press, the economics columnist and Ottawa bureau chief at the Toronto Star, and most recently senior vice-president of strategy at the Business Council of Canada.

“Our current tax system is overly complicated – the product of so much history and politics over time, with so many unintended consequences, and with rules that are no longer responding to the realities of today’s economy,” said Scoffield. “I aim to drive in-depth research that pulls apart the strands of our current system so that we can thoroughly evaluate where we are and engage Canadians in a broad discussion about how to support economic growth while improving the fairness of Canada’s tax system.”

Over the next six months, the Observatory will connect with researchers in Canada, build alliances globally and develop its research agenda.

“Tax reform is in the air,” said Scoffield. “Before we attack the foundational issues inhibiting growth and fairness in Canada’s tax system, we need to ensure policymakers putting together this fall’s budget hear about the need for an equitable and efficient tax system in response to global uncertainty, tariff fallout and slow growth.”

The Observatory is funded through philanthropic donors, including major contributions from Social Capital Partners and the Euphrosine Foundation.

About the Canadian Tax Observatory

Established in 2025, the Canadian Tax Observatory is an independent non-profit devoted to helping people and policymakers understand the tax system. Through research, public education and collaboration, its goal is to advance a tax system that promotes economic growth, shared prosperity and tax fairness. The founding board of directors includes Chair Matthew Mendelsohn, CEO of Social Capital Partners, Niamh Leonard, Executive Director of Euphrosine Foundation and Jennifer Robson, Professor of Political Management at Carleton University. For more information, please sign up for the organization’s eNews, follow them on LinkedIn or visit them at www.canadiantaxobservatory.ca.

For more information, please contact:

Heather Scoffield, CEO

The Canadian Tax Observatory
heather@canadiantaxobservatory.ca
613-314-1198


Group shot of Taproot staff meeting

Maple Ridge-based company now owned by its 750 employees | Maple Ridge-Pitt Meadows News

By Neil Corbett | This article first appeared in the Maple Ridge-Pitt Meadows News

A company based in Maple Ridge has made some business history, becoming the largest Employee Ownership Trust in Canada, and the first from the social services sector.

Taproot Community Support Services, which has 750 employees in B.C., Alberta, and a small number in Ontario, announced this week that an Employee Ownership Trust (EOT) acquired a majority share of the business. All employees have an equal shares in the company.

Taproot is the largest company to become EOT-owned since the federal government introduced this ownership model in 2024.

On an online call with the company CEO and the federal finance minister, Maple Ridge-based employee Kam Kaur offered her enthusiastic endorsement of the transaction.

“I’m really excited about being an owner. This is something to boast about, I’m going to boast about this with my friends,” she enthused.

She talked about how rare it is for a company to come under the ownership of its workers.

“This feels like you’re being valued,” Kaur added. “For me, this is the first thing I’m owning in Canada, so I’m really happy about it.”

Group shot of Taproot staff meeting

CEO Mike Fotheringham said there is no financial risk for the employees. In fact, they will share in dividends. Last year, the company had a surplus of $1.6 million on $61 million in revenues, and he anticipates most employees will see dividends of approximately $1,000 to $1,500 per year, in addition to their wages.

“They keep a little extra money in their jeans, and share in our success,” he said.

He noted it’s a stable company, having been around about 42 years since it was founded in Maple Ridge.

“This is the next natural step in the evolution of our company,” said Fotheringham. “Becoming an EOT brings our inclusive values to life, makes all our employees true partners in our purpose-driven success, and ensures our company will remain locally grounded and Canadian-owned for the long term.”

The federal government voiced enthusiasm for the change.

“Taproot’s move to an Employee Ownership Trust is a game changer. It not only secures its future and empowers its team, but it also guarantees that the vital services children, youth and adults depend on will continue,” said the Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne.

“This is a perfect example of what EOTs can do – they’re a powerful, timely tool that helps Canadian employees become owners of the businesses they work for, while helping entrepreneurs find the right people to carry their legacy forward,” he added.

Taproot provides support services to adults with diverse abilities, as well as vulnerable youth and families, supporting nearly 2,000 clients a year across 70 sites. They support clients in Maple Ridge, Langley, Surrey and across B.C. and Alberta. There are about 30 employees working in Maple Ridge.

Prior to the transition, Taproot was owned by a group of approximately 30 longtime and prior employees, some of whom were retired. Canada’s introduction of EOTs created a succession pathway that put the organization’s future into the hands of its workforce. Now every employee will have a stake in the business.

“We’ve worked hard, so it’s really nice to be rewarded for that, especially as frontline workers,” said Talica Bautarua, a community support worker at Taproot. “It feels like we’re in it together more now.”


Taproot team members

Taproot becomes Canada’s largest employee-owned trust with 750 workers | The Globe and Mail

By Meera Raman  |  The Globe and Mail
Taproot team members

A British Columbia-based support services provider has become the largest company in Canada to transfer ownership to its employees through a new model designed to help owners sell their businesses without seeking outside buyers.

Taproot Community Support Services, based in Maple Ridge, B.C., announced to its workers Tuesday that it has been sold to its 750 employees through an employee ownership trust, or EOT, a structure only introduced in Canada last year.

The move makes Taproot the country’s largest EOT to date, according to Employee Ownership Canada, and highlights how the model could play a role in succession planning as thousands of small business owners prepare to retire.

“This employee ownership trust is the simplest way of transitioning ownership,” said Taproot’s chief executive Mike Fotheringham, who first learned about the concept while listening to a podcast on his commute last summer. “It provided current shareholders an opportunity to sell their shares, which was really important for a lot of them. Some of them had retired and weren’t with the business any longer.”

Taproot provides support services for adults with disabilities, as well as vulnerable youth and families across B.C., Alberta and Ontario. The company generated $54.3-million in revenue last year. Before the transition, it was owned by about 30 long-time and prior employees, some of whom are retired.

Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne said in a phone interview that Taproot’s move is “something extraordinary.”

Read the full article (Paywall)

Visit Employee Ownership Canada to learn more about Employee Ownership Trusts.


Social Capital Partners' 2025 Federal Pre-Budget Submission

Canada needs an ownership agenda in the face of an unprecedented challenge to Canada’s economy from the American administration and the collapse of the global security and economic order

There has never been a federal budget quite like this one. Canada faces a moment of extreme peril, threatened by an American administration that has abandoned our mutually beneficial trading and security regime.

We cannot know whether the American people and their democratic institutions will be powerful enough to resist the attacks waged upon them by their own government. But this budget is a time to outline how the government will use all available policy and fiscal tools to address our own economic vulnerabilities in the face of this unprecedented assault on the well-being of Canadians.

There is broad consensus that Canada’s new approach to the economy and national security must be governed by a historic pivot away from dependence on the United States to rebuild our own sovereignty and deepen our economic and security partnerships with like-minded democracies around the world.

Canadians have given the federal government the benefit of the doubt to implement a policy agenda that delivers economic growth and builds the strongest economy in the G7. At Social Capital Partners, we strongly believe that the interests of working people and young people must be centred in the economic growth agenda. The global evidence is overwhelming: policy choices that prioritize economic growth alone, without attention to the distributional impacts of that growth, leave countries weaker, societies more unstable and lead to plutocracy.

The Budget should prioritize catalyzing investments that will provide more people and communities with an equity stake in the wealth being created in Canada, which will, in turn, give working Canadians and young people a reason to believe in the future, in Canada and in the promise of democratic capitalism.

What problems must the government address?

At Social Capital Partners, we begin with a simple observation: the benefits from growth over the past few decades have been captured by capital, contributing to extreme wealth inequality, economic insecurity and high barriers to intergenerational mobility. The deepening inequality documented in our Billionaire Blindspot report has created despair for many and, in other countries, has led to the collapse of democracy and the rise of political violence. Addressing the increasingly bumpy road to wealth building, home ownership and economic security facing most young Canadians must be core to Canada’s economic growth agenda.

Too many of our assets are owned by too few and too much of our economy is owned by those with little connection to Canada. Investors are accumulating and inflating the value of our businesses, resources and assets, enriching themselves and leaving more Canadians economically insecure and vulnerable.

The government’s signature initiatives thus far deliver on its campaign commitments to cut taxes and lower regulatory burdens to promote economic growth. We strongly believe that the government should add to its current economic growth agenda by introducing a suite of measures to catalyze investments that will lead to broadly based, widely distributed Canadian ownership of our businesses, resources and assets. Inequality undermines our unity at a time when Canadian unity is our greatest strength in the face of a larger, more powerful neighbour.

The government’s first steps towards fulfilling an inclusive ownership agenda

At Social Capital Partners, we advocate for an overarching strategic orientation that will: increase Canadian ownership of Canadian assets and improve access to wealth and ownership for young people, workers, communities, Indigenous peoples and independent entrepreneurs. Economic sovereignty and ownership of our own assets should be front and centre in the growth agenda at budget time.

We commend the government for already taking some steps to advance more distributed ownership and catalyze new investment in diverse communities:

  • $10 billion in loan guarantees to enable Indigenous communities to maintain equity in resource extraction and other major projects.
  • The Black Entrepreneurship Loan Fund to get low-cost capital to entrepreneurs who have faced barriers to accessing capital.
  • The partnership between First Nations Bank and BDC to facilitate the acquisition of existing businesses by Indigenous communities.
  • The capitalization of the community finance ecosystem through the Social Finance Fund.
  • The establishment of the Large Enterprise Tariff Loan facility at CDEV to take strategic equity stakes in Canadian companies.
  • Investments in food security and innovation through FCC Capital.
  • The selection of independent fund managers for the Canada Growth Fund.
  • The landmark Employee Ownership Trust legislation, making it easier for workers to become owners of the businesses they help build.

These are the kinds of creative policy and program solutions that are delivering real results – inclusive economic growth, broadly distributed ownership of assets and widespread equity for Canadians, workers and communities.

The ownership solution

As a next step, Social Capital Partners recommends the Budget focus on broadening ownership to ensure the benefits of economic growth are more widely shared. With a huge number of Canadian businesses about to change hands, now is the time to ensure Canadians retain ownership of our own assets and a new generation of Canadians have access to pathways to wealth-building and economic security.

Our policy recommendations come with no or little fiscal cost but will generate economic growth and deliver returns over the medium term. They will catalyze investment in Canadian communities without undertaking new program spending. They require strategic, active state leadership and deploy creative and concessionary financing tools, like loan guarantees.

They speak to the challenges we are facing and the opportunities open to Canadians: create pathways to business ownership for a new generation of Canadian entrepreneurs, employees, communities and not-for-profits; make available more affordable, accessible financing to empower communities to own more of their own assets, strengthen their local economic resilience and build community wealth; and catalyze investment to retain Canadian strategic assets for the benefit of Canadians.

Enhanced and distributed ownership delivers many benefits at this moment: greater sovereignty, strong local community economies, inclusive economic growth and democratic stability.

We recommend the government build on its current economic growth agenda and:

1. Prioritize a coordinated suite of initiatives focused on enabling succession opportunities for Canadian business owners, entrepreneurs, social purpose organizations and communities.

It should be much easier and less risky for younger Canadians and local organizations to buy existing businesses from older owners. 76% of Canadian business owners plan to exit within the next decade, representing $2 trillion in business assets, yet fewer than 10% have a formal succession plan. The government should unleash a wave of business transitions from retiring owners to independent and aspiring Canadian entrepreneurs. Programs to support entrepreneurship tend to prioritize the development of net-new businesses, rather than facilitating transitions of ownership to local, independent and innovative entrepreneurs. The government can address this through changes to the Small Business Financing Program to mirror the successful American 7(a) loan program and by launching a focused “Buy a Business” program through BDC that offers low-cost capital. The government should also use loan guarantees and co-investment to facilitate the acquisition of small- and medium-sized businesses by employees, co-ops, communities and other alternative ownership structures. In a time of decreased housing affordability and rising youth unemployment, buying a business can be one realistic path for young Canadians to build wealth and put their talent to work in securing their future.

2. Enable the growth of robust and accredited Community Investment Institutions.

There are many existing community-responsive financing institutions working across Canada to support local economic investment, development and resilience. By formalizing, accrediting and capitalizing them, the federal government can better support this crucial sector. More formal recognition of this sector would catalyze additional investment opportunities. For example, loan guarantees could be extended to accredited community investment institutions, amendments to the Income Tax Act could be made to designate accredited institutions as qualified donees to unlock more philanthropic investment and tax credits could be offered for local investment. By making small investments in community investment institutions, the federal government can leverage significant new investment in local economies and local and community ownership of businesses.

3. Create a sovereign fund to invest in and acquire vulnerable or strategic Canadian businesses in key sectors.

Many Canadian businesses are facing pressure to relocate or sell to foreign investors. Others require patient capital to remain liquid and re-tool for new markets. The federal government should invest in a new fund that would buy or invest in existing firms that run into trouble or are critical to our economic sovereignty. The federal government should guarantee a benchmark rate of return for pension funds to catalyze additional investment in the fund. Independent and local news media should be one priority, given that sovereign and democratic control of the news media is one buffer against the attacks on Canadian democracy and our capacity for democratic self-government.

4. We strongly endorse the recommendations from Employee Ownership Canada on how to strengthen the existing Employee Ownership Trust (EOT) legislation.

EOTs ensure more Canadian workers can secure an equity stake in the companies they helped build. It can truly be a great time to be a worker in Canada if there are pathways to ownership. EOTs provide a way for owners to sell to their employees and keep companies Canadian, keep jobs in local communities and build wealth for workers. Employee-owned companies have proven to have higher productivity, be more resilient during economic shocks and build and retain more wealth in local communities. As advocated by both Employee Ownership Canada and the CFIB, the EOT tax incentive should be made permanent and reviewed for effectiveness at an appropriate time (e.g. after five years).

Our public financial institutions and crown corporations (including CDEV, EDC, BDC, FCC, FNFA and the CIB) all have nation-building roles to play in this work. Likewise, the federal government should mandate, incentivize and de-risk investments from pension funds, philanthropic foundations and endowments so they increase their investments in a more sovereign Canadian economy where more people can find pathways to build wealth, ownership and economic security.

It is important that the federal government track and report on key ownership metrics. The evidence is overwhelming that communities with more local ownership outperform their peers on economic growth, employment growth and poverty reduction. One study from the Canadian Federation of Independent Business finds that 66 cents of every dollar spent at a locally owned business recirculates in the local economy, while only 11 cents spent at a global chain does – and only eight cents spent through an online American tech platform.

Canadians are ready to rise to the challenge

If our economy is broadly owned by Canadians, we will be more resilient in the face of whatever threats come our way in the future. Economic growth alone will not be enough to save us from the demons looking to push successful democracies like Canada into the abyss. We need to use all the financing and policy levers at our disposal to reclaim ownership of our economy, reassert agency over our future, give young people and working people pathways to economic security and never again find ourselves vulnerable to the whims of imperialist powers.

None of those making and shaping public policy is fully prepared for this moment. However, it is clear that many of the assumptions that have guided our economic and policy thinking for decades no longer apply. We must try things we would have dismissed last year.

Canadians can choose what emerges from this transformational time. The democratic world is resisting the attempt by authoritarian powers to push the world further towards inequality and plutocracy.

Policy choices in this budget need to move us away from an economy fueled by wealth extraction that enriches billionaires and inflates the bottom lines of foreign funds, and instead, move us towards more local reinvestment that builds an inclusive, sustainable and resilient democratic future where all Canadians have realistic chances to build economic security.


woman types on calculator with papers and laptop open in front of her

How Canada’s tax system puts the wealthy above workers

A recent headline from Statistics Canada found that the income gap – defined as the difference between the disposable income shares of the richest 40% and the poorest 40% of households – reached a record high in early 2025.  

However, little attention has been paid to the main driver of this recent spike – the increasing concentration of income derived from wealth

woman types on calculator with papers and laptop open in front of her

In 2024, according to the same Statistics Canada data, two thirds of all the income generated from wealth that is, income in the form of dividends from stock ownership, interest from bonds, capital gains from business and real estate sales, as opposed to from working was collected by the richest 20% of households, up from only 56.2% in 1999. In just the last two years, the average income from wealth of the top 20% increased by 37%.  

This problem is concentrated among the very highest earners. Other data from Statistics Canada shows that, for the top 1%, the proportion of their income that comes from working has declined to 44.3% in 2022 (the most recent year with available data) from 54.1% in 1999. For the top 0.01%, who collected on average $11.6 million in 2022, the proportion of income from working has declined even further, to 28.7% in 2022 down from 54.1% in 1999.  

Income from wealth has become increasingly concentrated among a lucky few. This mirrors Canada’s rising wealth inequality – according to the Parliamentary Budget Officer, the top 1%’s share of wealth increased to 24.3% in 2021 from 19.8% in 1999. This means there were 161,700 families with at least $7.3 million in wealth in 2021.  

Thomas Piketty’s book, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, rose to fame for highlighting this problem a decade ago – without careful attention to the issue, wealth inequality can continue to accelerate in capitalist economies. Unfortunately, instead of helping to combat the problem, our tax system contributes to it. Because of tax breaks for capital gains and dividends, tax rates on income derived from wealth are lower than those on income derived from working

Imagine an Ontario-based CEO who earns $13.2 million a year, which was the average pay of the 100 highest paid CEOs in Canada in 2023 and happens to be 210 times the average income of a worker. Most of their pay comes in the form of stock options and shares in their company, which is retained as wealth. During their tenure working as CEO, most of their income would be subject to the top marginal tax rate on employment income of 53.5%. Although clever tax planning could allow CEOs to avoid some of this tax, compensation through shares and stock options above $200,000 (thanks to a legislative change in 2021) are fully taxable. But after retiring at the end of 10 years as an extremely highly paid CEO, assuming they spent one million dollars annually, they could have accumulated over $75 million in wealth held in shares of their own company plus other passive investments. 

A modest estimate of the retiree’s returns would be 2% of their wealth in dividends and 4% of their wealth in capital gains. This is over $4.5 million in annual income that would be generated without any work, and would be taxed at only 31% because of the generous tax breaks for dividends and capital gains. Because Canada has no wealth or inheritance tax, this passive income could continue indefinitely, even being passed on to their children. 

And the CEO’s taxes would likely be even lower in practice. They could avoid capital gains taxes for years if they do not sell their assets. They can use tax-free savings accounts, which are only fully exploited by high earners, to shield some of their income from wealth from taxes. They could enlist highly paid lawyers to help them avoid their taxes through the use of tax havens. Because of all these loopholes, the top 1% of income earners, who earn most of their income from wealth, pay only 23.6% of their income in taxes, while middle-earning Canadians pay over 43% of their income in taxes. Reminiscent of the gilded age, this system has created a new class of plutocrats that earn income from wealth extraction instead of wealth generation. 

Rather than using the tax system to prevent wealth concentration, as Piketty recommended, our current tax system promotes wealth concentration – those who earn income from wealth have more income left over after taxes, allowing them to accumulate wealth more quickly than others. Even some of the wealthy themselves are now calling to be taxed more, recognizing the unfairness inherent in the current regime and the related systemic risks to social cohesion, democratic stability and economic growth that emerge in situations of deep inequality. 

South of the border we are witnessing the consequences of runaway wealth inequality – billionaires use their media conglomerates to get political favours, exploit the instruments of the state to enrich themselves, and, increasingly, secure political office.  

All of these trends are leading to the erosion of democracy and public policy that advances the interests of billionaires at the expense of everyone else. If Canada does not rebalance our tax system to prioritize work over wealth, we may soon find ourselves on the same path. A tax system that promotes efficiency and fairness will reinforce our democracy and protect our sovereignty in the face of the challenges represented by Trump. 


Screenshot of Rachel Wasserman and James Li in conversation

Trump pumps private equity with 401k changes | Breaking Points podcast

Breaking Points with Krystal and Saagar is a fearless anti-establishment Youtube show and podcast with over 1.58 million subscribers.

In this episode, BP correspondent James Li sits down with economic analyst and SCP Fellow Rachel Wasserman to discuss Trump’s executive order opening up 401k plans to private equity. Private equity is a type of investment where firms pull money from wealthy individuals and institutions to buy companies usually outside of the public market. Over the past many decades, private equity has promised outsized returns by taking companies private, loading them with debt, improving their operational efficiency and selling them later at a profit. But with rising interest rates and frozen exit markets, that model could be under serious stress.

So, what are the implications of making this type of investment available to retail investors and their retirement plans? Rachel walks James through how private equity works, what’s so dangerous about the buyout-private equity model and who might get left holding the bag.

James Li
Correspondent, Breaking Points


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